Professor Henry Srebrnik

Professor Henry Srebrnik

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

Lebanon's Election Provides Little Cause for Hope

By Henry Srebrnik, [Charlottetown, PEI] Guardian
 
On May 6, Lebanon held its first parliamentary elections in nearly a decade. They were held under a new electoral law with a proportional representation component. Previously, all seats were allocated under the first past the post method.

Lebanon’s 128-seat parliament allocates 64 seats each to the country’s Christian and Muslim faiths. They are then further subdivided between all of Lebanon’s 18 officially recognised religious sects.

Lebanese leaders saw the new system as a way to enable independent and civil society groups to compete against established, largely sectarian-based parties and political bosses. 

The election marked the entrance of civil society groups into the electoral sphere, with independent candidates running as part of a campaign known as We Are All the Nation. 

By 2018, the wave of electoral activism had led to the creation of a coalition of 11 civil society groups challenging establishment parties in 9 of Lebanon’s 15 districts. 

It didn’t work out that way. The strong hold sectarianism has among Lebanese saw traditional parties win out against civil society challengers. In this election, they took only one seat.

The big winners were the two main Shia Muslims parties. Hezbollah and its Shia Muslim partner Amal won 28 seats between them (17 for Anal, 14 for Hezbollah) ; another 13 seats were won by other political parties and deputies aligned with them. This makes a total of 44 out of 128 seats in parliament.

By renewing their alliance with President Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), a Maronite Christian party which took 25 seats, the two Shia groups will control enough seats needed to block the most important actions of parliament, for which a two-thirds quorum of members is required.

It is the first such alliance between major Maronite Christian and Shia Muslim political parties in Lebanon’s history.

However, the FPM lost a few seats to Samir Geagea’s Lebanese Forces (LF), a more militant Christian grouping, which doubled its number of seats to 14. Still, the FPM remains the largest Christian presence in parliament.

Lebanon’s sectarian political structure is often exploited by outside powers, including Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Hezbollah has sent thousands of its fighters to Syria to support forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad in the civil war.

So not surprisingly, pro-Syrian politicians made their strongest electoral comeback since Damascus ended a nearly three-decade military presence in Lebanon in 2005. Syrian allies elected included former security chief Jamil Sayyed, former deputy parliament speaker Elie Firzly and former defence minister Abdul-Rahim Murad.

Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah called the results a “great political and moral victory for the resistance option that protects the sovereignty of the country.” It was “mission accomplished.”  

Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s Future Movement (FM) won 19 seats in the voting, and though this was a major decline, he will still have the largest Sunni Muslim bloc in parliament.

Harari may have suffered from his abortive decision to resign as prime minister while visiting Saudi Arabia last November. He eventually returned to Beirut and rescinded his resignation, but it looked as if the Saudis, evidently concerned by the influence of Hezbollah in Lebanese politics, were behind it.

His own father Rafik, who was also a prime minister, was assassinated in 2005; Hezbollah has been blamed for the murder.

Now, waning support from Saudi Arabia undermined the party’s electoral machine and ability to dole out patronage. The FM lost to Hezbollah and Amal-backed Sunni candidates even in Hariri’s strongholds of Beirut, Saida and Tripoli. 

“We had hoped for a better result, it’s true,” stated Hariri. “And we were hoping for a wider bloc, with a higher Shia and Christian representation, that’s also true.” 

In contrast, Shia parties focus their patronage more narrowly but establish stronger bonds by doling out big-ticket items such as jobs and loans.

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